Opening
SEC. 242. Second Synod at Orange, and Synod at
Valence, A.D. 529.
One of the most important Synods of the sixth century was the Arausicana Secunda, which was held July 3, 529, at Orange (Arausio), in Southern Gaul. Occasion for it was given by the consecration of a church newly built at Orange by the Praefectus Prsetorio for Gaul, liberius. Under the imitation of this highly distinguished man, Archbishop Caesarius of Aries, and the Bishops Julian, Constantius, Cyprian, Eucherius, a second Eucherius, Heraclius, Prin- cipius, Philagrius, Maximus, Prsetextatus, Alethius, Luper- cianus, and Vindemialis assembled at Orange. The sees of these fourteen bishops are not mentioned. Csesarius, who first subscribed the minutes, added to his subscription the following chronological note : Decio Juniore V. C. Consule. This points to the year 529, and shows that Baronius and many of the older scholars had been quite mistaken in re- moving our Synod to the times of Leo the Great.2 At that
1 Cf. Gams, I.e. S. 450 sq.
2 Cf. Noris, Historia Pelagiaiut, lib. ii. c. 33 ; Sirmond, Condi. Oallise, t. i. p. 605 : and the notes of Binius in Mansi, t. viii. p. 720.
SYNODS AT ORANGE AND VALENCE, A.D. 529. 153
time, as we know, Hilary occupied the see of Aries, and Csesarius was not yet born.
The inaccuracy of that earlier assertion is plain from this, that the Praetorian Prefect Liberius founded the new church at Orange, and joined in subscribing the minutes of the Synod. This man also belongs to the sixth century, and was appointed by the East Gothic King Theoderic the Great as his Viceroy over the most recently annexed parts of Gallia Narbonensis.1 He discharged his office also under Theoderic's successor and grandson Amalaric, and to his kingdom Orange belonged at the time of our Synod. Felix iv. at that time sat on the papal throne. In the preface to the minutes the bishops state that they had assembled into a Synod on the occasion of the consecration of that church ; and that, on account of those who did not think rightly on the subject of grace and free will (the Semipelagians), at the exhortation of the apostolic see they had received and subscribed some Capitula sent to them by this see. These were collected from the books of the holy Fathers, and were quite adopted for the instruction of the erring. Therefore it was necessary that those who hitherto had not had the true faith respecting grace and free will should, after the perusal of these Capitula, turn their heart to the Catholic faith.2
Archbishop Cresarius of Aries, like Faustus of Eiez and other Semipelagians, had been formerly a monk in the monastery at Le'rins ; but he held it for his sacred duty to oppose the Semipelagian heresy, which extended more and more after the death of Faustus (493); therefore he wrote, for the defence of the Augustinian doctrine, his once famous work, De Gratia et libero Arbitrio, a refutation of the work of Faustus with the same title. Pope Felix iv. commended the work of Caesarius in a special brief, and endeavoured to circulate it. In spite of this it is lost.3 Caesarius also acquainted the Pope with the doings of the Semipelagians
1 See above, sec. 237 ; and Sirroond, Condi. GaZlise, t. i. p. 604, in the notes to the fourth Synod of Aries ; cf. the notes b and c of Binius, in Mansi, t. viii. p. 720.
- Mansi, t. viii. p. 712 ; Hardouin, t. ii. p. 1007.
3 Noris, Hist. Pelag. lib. ii. c. 22.
154 HISTORY OF THE COUNCILS.
in Gaul, and asked him for his assistance in suppressing the error. In his answer Pope Felix iv. sent him a number of Capitula, which were borrowed, some more, some less, literally from the writings of Augustine (and partly also of Prosper) ; but which were characterised by the Synod in the Praefatio as propositions of the antiqui patres, because Leo I., Pope Gelasius, Prosper of Aquitaine, and others had put forth the same statements and propositions as Augustine, often with literal uniformity.1
From what books of Augustine the particular Capitula of our Synod were taken, is a question which has been examined with great industry by Binius and others, particularly the monks of S. Maur in their edition of S. Augustine (where they have also in vol. x. printed the Capitula of Orange). In almost all cases they have found the passages.2 In the minutes of our Synod twenty-five such Capitula are found ; it must, however, remain undecided whether the whole of these in their completeness had come from Borne, or whether the Synod may have omitted anything, or added anything of its own. A Codex, formerly belonging to the Benedictine monastery of S. Maximus at Trier, contains nineteen Capitula Sancti Augustini professing to be sent from Eome, which are generally identical with those of Orange, and may possibly be a copy of the original which came from Eome.3
The high importance of the Chapters of Orange makes it de- sirable to append the original Latin text to the outline of the contents of each number. This is done in Sirmond, Concilia Gallic?-, t. i. p. 216 sqq. ; Hardouin, t. ii. p. 1098 sqq. ; Mansi, t.
1 Noris, I.e. ii. c. 23.
2 In Mansi, t. viii. p. 721, and Hardouin (t. ii. p. 1098 sqq. in the margin), as well as in the Benedictine edition of S. Augustine, the passages in question from S. Augustine, and from the sentences of Augustine collected by Prosper, are often given incorrectly. A more accurate reference is here added to each Capitulum. The Ballerini maintain, in their edition of the Works of Cardinal Norris (t. iv. p. 889), that eight chapters of Orange are taken from the Epistle of Augustine to Vitalis, more exactly from the 12 Sententise contra Pelagianos contained in it (Epist. 217, c. 5. Earlier, Epist. 107, in Migne, t. ii. p. 984). But between the one and the other there is no such literal agreement as between other passages of Augustine and the Synod of Orange.
3 Reprinted in Mansi, t. viii. p. 722 ; Hardouin, t. ii. p. 1102. Cf. the Obscrvatio Philippi Labbei in Mansi, I.e.
SYNODS AT ORANGE AND VALENCE, A.D. 529. 155
viii. p. 712 sqq. : Bruns, Bibliotheca Ecclesiastica, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 177 sqq.; and in the tenth volume of the Benedictine edition of St. Augustine, ed. Migne, t. x. p. 1785 sqq., and ed. Gaume, t. x. p. 2447 sqq.
It is further to be remarked that the Council of Trent made large use of the canons of Orange in its canons De Justificatione.
1
1. The sin of Adam has injured not only the body, but also the soul of man.
Si quis per offensam praevaricationis Adse non totium, id est secundum corpus et animam, in deterius dicit hominem commu- tatum, sed animae libertate illaesa durante corpus tantummodo corruptioni credit obnoxium, Pelagii errore deceptus adversatur Scripture dicenti : Anima quce peccaverit ipsa morietur (Ezech. xviii. 20) ; et : Nescitis quoniam cui exhibetis vos servos ad obedi- endum, servi estis ejus cui dbeditis ? (Eom. vi. 1 6) ; et : A quo quis superatur, ejus et servus addicitur (2 Pet. ii. 19).
The like is found in Augustine, De Nuptiis et Concupis- centia, lib. ii. c. 34; ed. Migne, t. x. p. 471.
2
2. The sin of Adam has injured not only himself but his posterity ; and not merely the death of the body, but also sin, the death of the soul, has by one man come into the world.
Si quis soli Adas praevaricationem suam, non et ejus pro- pagini asserit nocuisse, aut certe mortem tantum corporis, quse poena peccati est, non autem et peccatum quod mors est animse, per unuin hominem in omne genus humanum trans- iisse testatur, injustitiam Deo dabit, contradicens apostolo dicenti : Per unum hominem peccatum intravit in mundum et per peccatum mors, et ita in omnes homines mors pertransit, in quo omnes peccaverunt (Eom. v. 12).
The like is taught by Augustine, Contra duos epistolas
Pelagianorum, lib. iv. c. 4 ; ed. Migne, x. 6 1 2 sqq.
3
3. Grace is not only granted when we pray for it, but grace itself works in us to pray for it.
Si quis ad invocationem humanam gratiam Dei dicit posse conferri, non autem ipsam gratiam facere ut invocetur a nobis, contradicit Isaiae prophetse vel apostolo idem dicenti : Inventus sum a non qucerentibus me ; palam apparui his qui me non interrogabant (Isa. Ixv. 1 ; Eom. x. 20).
4
4. God does not wait for our desire to be cleansed from
156 HISTORY OF THE COUNCILS.
sin, but HE works this desire in us Himself by means of His Spirit (cf. Kuhn, " The Natural and the Supernatural," in the Tubing. 'Theol. Quartalschrift, 1864, S. 293 sq.).
Si quis ut a peccato purgemur voluntatem nostram Deum exspectare contendit, non autem ut etiam purgari velimus, per Sancti Spiritus infusionem et operationem in nos fieri confite- tur, resistit ipsi Spiritui Sancto per Salomonem dicenti : Prceparatur wluntas a Domino} et Apostolo salubriter pnedi- canti: Dem est qui operatur in wbis et velle et perficere pro bona voluntate (Phil. ii. 13).
5
5. As the growth, so also the beginning of faith, the dis- position for faith, is wrought by grace, and is not in us by nature. Were this faith naturally in us, then all who are
\not Christians would necessarily be believers.
Si quis sicut augmentum, ita etiam initium fidei ipsumque credulitatis affectum, quo in eum credimus qui justificat impium, et ad generationem sacri baptismatis pervenimus, non per gratise donum, id est per inspirationem Spiritus Sancti corrigentem voluntatem nostram ab infidelitate ad fidem, ab impietate ad pietatem, sed naturaliter nobis inesse dicit, apostolicis dogmatibus adversarius approbatur, beato raulo dicenti : Confidimus quia qui ccepit in vobis bonum opus, verficiet usque in diem Domini nostri Jesu Christi (Phil. i. 6) ; et illud : Vobis datum est pro Christo non solum ut in Eum credatis, sed etiam ut pro Illo patiamini (Phil. i. 29); et: Gratia salm facti esti per fidem, et hoc non ex vobis ; Dei enim donum est (Eph. ii. 8). Qui enim fidem qua in Deum credimus dicunt esse naturalem, omnes eos qui ab Ecclesia Christi alieni sunt, quodammodo fideles esse definiunt.
This is the principal content of cc. 1—9 of Augustine's treatise, De Prcedestinat. Sanctorum, ed. Migne, t. x. p. 9 5 9 sqq.
6
6. It is not correct to say that the divine mercy is imparted to us when we (by our own strength) believe, knock, etc. Rather it is divine grace which works in us, so that we believe, knock, etc. Grace not merely helps the humility and obedience of man, but it is the gift of grace that he is
\ humble and obedient.
1 Prov. viii. 35. According to the text of the LXX. : *«< \n>iu.aZ,iTKi fi^nns •jrupa, xupitv. The Hebrew and the Vulgate give quite a different meaning.
SYNODS AT ORANGE AND VALENCE, A.D. 529. 157
Si quis sine gratia Dei credentibus, volentibus, desider- antibus, conantibus, laborautibus, vigilantibus, studentibus, potentibus, quaerentibus, pulsantibus nobis misericordiam dicit conferri divinitus, non autem ut credamus, velimus vel haec omnia sicut oportet agere valeamus, per infusionem et inspirationem Sancti Spiritus in nobis fieri confitetur, et aut humilitati aut obedientiae humanae subjungit gratiae adjutorium, nee ut obedientes et humiles simus ipsius gratiae donum esse consentit, resistit apostolo dicenti: Quid habes quod non accepisti ? et : Gratia Dei sum quod sum (1 Cor. iv. 7).
Of. Augustine, De Dono Perseverantice, c. 23, n. 64, ed. Migne, t. x. p. 1302 ; and Prosper, Contra Collatorem, c. 2, n. 6 (ib. p. 1804).
7
7. Without grace, and merely from natural powers, we can do nothing which belongs to eternal salvation ; neither think nor will in a proper manner (ut expedit), nor consent to the preaching of the gospel.
Si quis per naturae vigorem bonum aliquid, quod ad salutem pertinet vitas eternae, cogitare ut expedit aut eligere, sive salutari, id est, evangelicae praedicationi consentire posse confirmat absque illuminatione et inspiratione Spiritus Sancti, qui dat omnibus suavitatem in consentiendo et credendo veri- tati, haeretico fallitur spiritu, non intelligens vocem Dei in evangelic dicentis : Sine me nihil potestis facere (Joann. xv. 5), et illud Apostoli : Non quod idonei simus cogitare aliquid a nobis, quasi ex nobis, sed sufficientia nostra ex Deo est (2 Cor. iii. 5).
Cf. Augustine, De Gratia Christi, lib. L c. 26 ; ed.
Migne, t. x. p. 374.
8
8. It is not correct to say that some attain to the grace of baptism by the mercy of God, others by their own free will, which was weakened by Adam's sin.
Si quis alios misericordia, alios vero per liberum arbitrium, quod in omnibus qui de praevaricatione primi hominis nati sunt constat- esse vitium, ad gratiam baptismi posse venire contendit, a recta fide probatur alienus. Is enim non l omnium
1 In Mansi and Hardouin non is lacking, whilst Sirmond found it in his MSS. The connection demands the negative, as the following sentence shows that it is the Semipelagian error and not the Church doctrine which is here in question.
158 HISTORY OF THE COUNCILS.
liberum arbitrium per peccatum primi hominis infirmatum, aut certe ita laesum putat, ut tamen quidam valeant sine revelatione Dei mysterium salutis seternae per semetipsos posse conquirere. Quod quam sit contrarium ipse Dominus probat, qui non aliquos, sed neminem ad se posse venire testatur nisi quern Pater attraxerit (Joann. vi. 44), sicut et Petro dicit : Beatus es, Simon JBarjona, quid, caro et sanguis non revelavit tibi, sed Pater meus qui in codis est (Matt. xvi. 17) ; et Apostolus : Nemo potest dicere Dominum Jesum nisi in Spiritu Sancto (I Cor. xii. 3).
The like is found in Prosper, Contra Collatorem, c. 5, n. 13 ; c. 13, n. 38 ; and c. 19, n. 55, in the Responsrio to the sixth Definition of Cassian (in Migne's ed. of S. Augustine's Works, t. x. pp. 1807, 1818, and 1829).
9
9. All good thoughts and works are the gift of God.1 Divini est muneris cum et recte cogitamus, et pedes
nostros a falsitate et injustitia continemus ; quoties enim bona agimus, Deus in nobis atque nobiscum ut operemur operatur.
This is verbally identical with the twenty-second Sen- tentia in S. Prosperi Sententice ex Augustino delibatce, in the Works of St. Augustine, ed. Migne, t. x. p. 1861.
10
10. Even the saints need divine aid.
Adjutorium Dei etiam renatis ac sanctis semper est implorandum, ut ad finem bonum pervenire vel in bono possint opere perdurare.
Prosper maintains the like against Cassian in his treatise Contra Collatorem, c. 11, n. 31—36, especially n. 34; Migne, Opp. S. Augustini, t. x. p. 1815 sqq.
11
11. We can vow nothing to God but what we have first received from Him.
Nemo quidquam Domino recte voveret, nisi ab Ipso acciperet quod voveret, sicut legitur: Quce de manu tua accepimus damus Tibi (1 Chron. xxx. 14).
Taken from Augustine, De Civ. Dei, lib. xvii. c. 4, n. 7 (ed. Migne, t. vii. p. 530), and forms the 54th sentence in Prosper, see above, c. 9.
1 From c. 9 onwards the numbers have no longer the form of canons, but of propositions.
SYNODS AT ORANGE AND VALENCE, A.D. 529. 159
12
12. What in us is loved by God is God's own gift. Tales nos amat Deus, quales futuri sumus Ipsius dono,
non quales sumus nostro merito.
This is the 56th Sentence in Prosper. See c. 9.
13
13. The free will weakened in Adam is restored only by the grace of baptism.
Arbitrium voluntatis in primo homine infirmatum nisi per gratiam baptismi non potest reparari ; quod amissum, nisi a quo potuit dari, non potest reddi, unde Veritas ipsa dicit : Si vos filius liberaverit, tune vere liberi eritis (Joann. viii. 36).
Taken from Augustine, De Civ. Dei, lib. xiv. cc. 1 1 , n. 1 (ed. Migne, t. vii. p. 418). It is also the 152nd Sentence in Prosper. Cf. c. 9.
14
14. One who is unhappy can be delivered from his misery only by prevenient divine grace.
Nullus miser de quacumque miseria liberatur, nisi qui Dei misericordia prsevenitur, sicut dicit Psalmista : Cito anti- cipent nos misericordice Tuce, Domine (Ps. Ixxviii. 8) ; et illud : Deus meus, misericordia Ejus prcevenient me (Ps. Iviii. 11).
The 211th Sentence in Prosper.
15
15. The condition of Adam appointed by God was changed by sin : the condition of man brought about by sin is changed in the faithful by the grace of God.
Ab eo, quod formavit Deus, mutatus est Adam, sed in pejus per iniquitatem suam ; ab eo, quod operata est iniquitas, mutatur fidelis, sed in melius per gratiam Dei. Ilia ergo mutatio fuit praevaricatoris primi, hsec secundum psalmistam Mutatio est dexterce excelsi (Ps. ixxvi. 11).
From Augustine, Enarratio in Ps. Ixviii. Sermo i. n. 2 (ed. Migne, t. iv. p. 841). It is also the 225th Sentence in Prosper.
16
16. All that we have is the gift of God. If anyone fails to recognise in any good, that he has it from God, either he has it not, or it will be taken from him.
Nemo ex- eo, quod videtur habere, glorietur tanquam non acceperit, aut ideo se putet accepisse, quia litera extrinsecus vel ut legeretur apparuit, vel ut audiretur sonuit. Nam sicut Apostolus dicit : Si per legem justitia, ergo Christus gratis mortuus est (Gal. ii. 11). Ascendens in altum captivam duarit captivitatem, dedit dona hominibus (Eph. iv. 8). Inde habet
160 HISTORY OF THE COUNCILS.
quicunque habet ; quisquis auteni se inde habere negat, aut vere non habet, aut id quod habet aufertur ab eo.
Taken from Augustine, De Spiritu et Litera, c. 29 (Binius, Hardouin, and the Benedictines give by mistake c. 28), ed. Migne, t. x. p. 231. It is also the 259th Sentence in Prosper.
17
17. That which makes the heathen strong is worldly desire ; that which makes Christians strong is the love of God shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost.
Fortitudinem gentilium mundana cupiditas, fortitudinem autem Christianorum Dei caritas facit, quae diffusa est in cordibus nostris non per voluntatis arbitrium quod est a uobis, sed per Spiritum Sanctum qui datus est nobis.
From Augustine, Op. Imp. contra Julianum, lib. i. c. 83 (ed. Migne, t. x. p. 1104). It is also the 295th Sentence in Prosper.
18
18. Unmerited grace goes before the most meritorious works.
Nullis meritis gratiam praevenientibus, debetur merces bonis operibus, si fiant ; sed gratia quae non debetur praecedit ut fiant.
From Augustine, Op. Imp. contra Julianum, lib. i. c. 133
(ed. Migne, t. x. p. 1133). The 297th Sentence in Prosper.
19
19. Even if human nature had still the integrity in which it was created, it yet could not preserve itself without the aid of the Creator. If, however, it is unable without grace to preserve the safety which it has obtained, much less can it regain that which was lost.
Natura humana, etiamsi in ilia integritate, in qua est condita, permaneret, nullo modo seipsam, creatore suo non adjuvante, servaret ; unde cum sine Dei gratia non possit custodire quam accepit, quomo sine Dei gratia poterit reparare quod perdidit ?
From Augustine, Epist. 186, c. 11, n. 37 (formerly
Epist. 106, 11). The 308th Sentence in Prosper.
20
20. God works much good in man which man does not work ; but man works no good the performance of which God does not enable him to do.
Multa Deus facit in homine bona, quae non facit homo ;
SYNODS AT OKANGE AND VALENCE, A.D. 529. 161
nulla vero facit homo bona, quse non Deus praestat ut faciat homo.
From Augustine's treatise, Contra duos Epistolas Pelagian- orum, lib. ii. c. 9 (not 8, as the Benedictines say by mistake), n. 31 (ed. Migne, t. x. p. 586). The 312th Sentence in Prosper.
21
21. The law does not justify, and grace does not consist, as some maintain, in the natural dispositions of man. The law was there, and did not justify ; nature was there, and did not justify. But Christ has died to fulfil the law, and to restore the nature which was ruined through Adam.
Sicut iis, qui volentes in lege justificari et a gratia exci- derunt, verissime dicit apostolus : Si ex lege justitia est, ergo Christus gratis mortuus est (Gal. ii. 31); sic iis qui gratiam, quam commendat et percipit fides Christi, putant esse naturam, verissime dicitur : Si per naturam justitia est, ergo Christus gratis mortuus est. Jam hie enim erat lex, et non justificabat ; jam hie erat et natura, et non justificabat. Ideo Christus non gratis mortuus est, ut et lex per ilium impleretur qui dixit: Non mm legem solvere, sed adimplere (Matt. v. 17); et natura per Adam perdita per ilium repararetur, qui dixit venisse se, quserere et salvare quod perierat.
Taken from Augustine, De gratia et libero arbitrio, c. 13 (ed. Migne, t. x. p. 896). The 315th Sentence in Prosper.
22
22. That which man has of his own is only falsehood and sin. What he possesses in truth and righteousness he has from God.
Nemo habet de suo nisi mendacium et peccatum ; si quid autem habet homo veritatis atque justitise, ab illo fonte est, quern debemus sitire in hac eremo, ut ex eo quasi guttis quibusdam irrorati non deficiamus in via.
From Augustine, Tractat. V. in Joann. n. 1 (Migne, t. iii. p. 1414). The 323rd Sentence in Prosper. This Capitulum seems, at first sight, to be identical with the propositions of Bajus, rejected by Pius v. and Gregory XIIL, No. 25 : Omnia opera infidelium sunt peccata et philosophorum virtutes sunt vitia, and No. 27 : liberum arbitrium sine gratiee Dei adju- toria nonnisi ad peccandum valet. The Capitulum 22 of our
IV. II
162 HISTORY OF THE COUNCILS.
Synod, together with the similar statements of Augustine and Prosper, has therefore become a real crux of the theologians, and for centuries not a few have exercised much acuteness in reconciling the statement of Augustine and of our Synod with the dogma : that even in fallen man freedom to do good is not entirely annihilated, and that there is a twofold moral good, the natural and the supernatural. All these attempts have been set forth and criticised of late by Johann Ernst in his treatise on " the works and virtues of the unbelieving according to S. Augustine (with an Appendix on canon 22 of Arausicanum II.), Freiburg: Herder, 1871."
One of the most admissible hypothesis devised by Eipalda, approved by Klentgen, Berlage, Schwan, and others, goes thus : " There are in the present state of the world only two kinds of human works, the morally bad and the supernatur- ally good. Naturally good works, which certainly might lie between these, there are none, as the natural moral powers of man are never left by God Himself, but in every moral activity are supported by God's grace. Where, then, the natural powers (the Suum, as the Synod says) alone of man are in play, then the product is the opposite of morality, namely, sin and falsehood." Ernst, however, rejects also this manner of explanation, and understands the statement of Augustine and of the Synod in the following manner : " God has placed before man a supernatural goal, eternal blessedness. By the sin of Adam man is deprived of this destiny and gift which had been willed by God, died to it, and therefore nothing which fallen man can now accomplish in moral relation can have any real value before God" (p. 225), that is, it cannot gain for man eternal blessedness. These so-called naturally good works of the infideles, which are ineffectual for blessedness, are designated by Augustine and our Synod as peccata, and we can only ask whether these are merely peccata materialia (ob defectum ordinis in finem debitum et 6b carentiam perfectionis debitce), and such as could not be reckoned to the injideles as involving guilt, or whether Augustine and our Synod ascribed to them a real character of guilt, and regarded them as peccata in the full sense of the word. The former view is taken by Passaglia and Hunter, the latter by Ernst,
SYNODS AT ORANGE AND VALENCE, A.D. 529. 163
on the ground that God makes it possible for everyone to give a higher character to his moral endeavours, and to impress upon them the stamp of the higher supernatural morality, which, however, the infideles do not will. (See Ernst, I.e. S. 130, 197-201, and 215.)
23
23. When man does evil, he fulfils his own will; but if he does good, he fulfils the will of God, yet with free will.
Suam voluntatem homines faciunt, non Dei, quando id agunt quod Deo displicet ; quando autem id faciunt quod volunt ut divinae serviant voluntati, quamvis volentes agant quod agunt, illius tamen voluntas est, a quo et prseparatur et jubetur quod volunt.
From Augustine, Traded. XIX. in Joann. n. 1 9 (ed. Migne, t. iiL p. 1555). The 338th Sentence in Prosper, not the 336th as the Benedictines say, and, after them, Migne.
24
24. He who has Christ in him and remains in Christ, advantages only himself thereby, and not Christ.
Ita sunt in vite palmites, ut viti nihil conferant, sed inde accipiant unde vivant ; sic quippe vitis est in palmitibus, ut vitale alimentum subministrat iis, non sumet ab iis. Ac per hoc et manentem in se habere Christum et manere in Christo, discipulis prodest utrumque, non Christo. Nam prseciso palmite potest de viva radice alius pullulare ; qui autem prsecisus est sine radice non potest vivere.
From Augustine, Tractat. LXXXI. in Joann. n. 1 (ed.
Migne, t. iii. p. 1841). The 366th (not 364th) Sentence in
Prosper.
25
25. The love of God is itself a gift of God.
Prorsus donum Dei est deligere Deum. Ipse ut deligere- tur dedit, qui non dilectus diligit. Displicentes amati sumus, ut fieret in nobis unde placeremus. Diffundit enim caritatem in cordibus nostris Spiritus Paths et Filii, quern cum Patre amamus et Filio.
From Augustine, Tractat. Oil. in Joann. n. 5 (ed. Migne, t. iii. p. 1898). The 370th (not 368th) Sentence in Prosper.
After drawing up these twenty-five chapters or canons, the Synod composed its own confession on the doctrine of
164 HISTORY OF THE COUNCILS.
grace in a kind of creed, which contains the five following points in opposition to the Semipelagians : l—
(a) By the sin of Adam, free will is so weakened that henceforth no one can love God in a suitable manner, believe
1 This epilogue runs : Ac sic secundiun suprascriptas sanctarum Scripturarum sententias vel antiquorum patrum definitiones hoc Deo propitiante et prsedicare debemus et credere, quod per peccatum primi hominis ita inclinatum et attenuatum fuerit liberum arbitrium, ut nullus postea aut diligere Deum sicut opportuit, aut credere in Deum, aut operari propter Deum quod bonum est possit, nisi eum gratia misericordiae divinae praevenerit. Unde et Abel justo et Noe et Abrahae, et Isaac et Jacob et omni antiquorum patrum multitudini illam praeclaram fidem, quam in ipsorum laude praedicat Apostolus Paulus, non per bonum natures quod prius in Adam datum fuerat, sed per gratiam Dei credimus fuisse collatam. Quam gratiam etiam post adventum domini omnibus qui baptizari desiderant, non in libero arbitrio haberi, sed Christi novimus simul et credimus largitate conferri, secundum illud quod saepe jam dictum est et quod saepe jam dictum est et quod praedicat Paulus apostolus : Vobis donatum est pro Christo non solum ut in eum credatis, sed etiam, ut pro illo patiamini (Phil. i. 29) ; et illud : Deus qui ccepit in vobis bonum opus, perficiet usque in diem domini nostri Jesu Christi (Phil. i. 6); et illud: Or alia, salvi facti estis per fidem, et hoc non ex vobis, dei enim donum est (Eph. ii. 8); et quod de se ipso ait apostolus : Misericordiam consecutus sum, ut fidelis essem (1 Cor. vii. 25); non dexit quia eram sed ut essem ; et illud : Quid habes quod non accepistii. (1 Cor. iv. 7); et illud: Omne datum bonum et omnc donum perfectum desursum est, descendens a patre luminum (Jac. i. 17); et illud : Nemo habet quidquam nisi illi datum fuerit desuper (Joann. iii. 27). Innumerabilia sunt sanctorum scripturarum testimonia quae possunt ad probandam gratiam proferri sed brevitatis studio praetermissa sunt, quia et revera cui pauca non sufficiunt plura non proderunt. Hoc etiam secundum fidem Catholicam credimus, quod accepta per baptismum gratia omnes baptizati, Christo auxiliante et co-operante, quae ad salutem animse pertinent, possint et debeant, si fideliter laborare voluerint adimplere. Aliquos vero ad malum divina potestate prae- destinatos esse non solum non credimus, sed etiam si sunt qui tantum malum credere velint, cum omni detestatione illis anathema dicimus. Hoc etiam salubriter profitemur et credimus, quod in omni opere bono non nos incipimus et postea per Dei misericordiam adjuvamur sed ipse nobis nullis praecedentibus bonis meritis et fidem et amorem sui prius inspirat, ut et baptismi sacramenta fideliter requiramus, et post baptismum cum ipsius adjutorio ea quae sibi sunt placita implere possimus. Unde manifestissime credendum est quod et illius latronis, quern dominus ad paradisi patriam revocavit, et Cornelii centurionis ad quern angelus Domini missus est, et Zacchaei qui ipsum dominum suscipere meruit, ilia tarn admirabilis fides non fuit de natura, sed divinaa largitatis donum. Et quia definitionem antiquorum patrum nostramque, quae suprascripta est, non solum religiosis, sed etiam laicis medicamentum esse et desideramus et cupimus, placuit, ut earn et illustres ac inagnifici viri, qui nobiscum ad prae- fatam festivitatem convenerunt, propria manu subscriberent. — On this Appendix to the twenty-five chapters, cf. Norris, Historia Pelag., lib. ii. c. 23, in the collective edition of the Works of Cardinal Noris, 1729, t. i. p. 524.
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in Him, or act for God's sake, unless grace has first come to him. Thus that glorious faith of Abel, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and other ancient Fathers, on account of which the apostle praises them, was imparted to them, not per bonum natures, which was, in the beginning, given to Adam, but by the grace of God. (The direct contrary of this had been taught by Faustus.)
(6) All, however, are able, after they have received grace through baptism, with the co-operation of God, to accomplish what is necessary for the salvation of their soul.
(c) It is in no way our belief that some are predestinated by God to evil (predestinarian heresy) ; rather, if there are any who believe a thing so evil, we, with horror, say anathema.
(d) In every good work the beginning does not come from us ; but God, without any previous merits on our side, inspires us with faith and love, so that we seek for baptism, and after baptism can, with His assistance, fulfil His will.
(e) Since this doctrine of the Fathers and of the Synod is wholesome for laymen also, the distinguished members of the laity, who have been present at the solemnity, should also subscribe. In consequence of this invitation, besides the bishops, also the Prsefectus Prsetorio Liberius and seven other viri illmtres1 subscribed.
From a letter of Pope Boniface n. to Archbishop Csesarius of Aries,2 we see that the latter, as president of the Synod of Orange, after the end of it, sent the abbot and priest Armenius to Eome, and, among other things, gave him a letter to his friend Boniface, a cleric of high position there, in order that the latter might procure from Pope Felix a definite confirma- tion of the Synod, as desired by Csesarius. In the meantime, however, Felix had died, and Boniface himself had become Pope, as the. second of that name. He did not fail to fulfil the desire of Caesarius at once by means of the letter referred to. This is dated viii. Kal. Febr. Lampadio et Oreste V. G.
1 Cf. note 9 of Sirmond, and the notes c and cc of Vinius in Mansi, t. viii. p. 720 sq.
- Mansi, t. viii. p. 735 sqq. ; Hardouin, t. ii. p. 1109 ; Sirmond, Condi. Oallise, t. i. p. 223 ; and in the tenth volume of the Benedictine edition of S. Augustine, ed. Migne, t. x. p. 1790 ; ed. Gaume, t. x. p. 2455.
166 HISTORY OF THE COUNCILS.
Coss., that is, January 25, 530. As, however, Felix iv. did not die until September 18, 530, it is impossible that the date of this letter should be genuine, and as Pagi (ad ann. 530, n. 6, and 529, n. 11) supposes, must have been arbitrarily added a sciolo quopiam. Sirmond (I.e. p. 605) supposed that we ought to read, Post Consulatum Lampadii, etc., i.e. A.D. 531; but Pagi thinks, and not unreasonably, that if Boniface had been elected in September 530 (Pagi, ad ann. 530, n. '4), he could hardly have put off the answer to Csesarius into the January of the following year, as he says himself in this letter : " Catholicum non distulimus dare responsum" (Pagi, ad ann. 529, n. 11). Accordingly, as the Benedictine editors of the Concil. Gallice opine, instead of viii. Kal. Febr., we should read Decembres or Novembres of the year 530.1 Another way was taken by Cardinal Noris (Hist. Pelag. ii. 23), by the assumption that Felix iv. had died in September 529; and the Ballerini defended this view in their1 edition of the works of the cardinal. Noris, Opp. Omnia, t. i. p. 528, and t. iv. p. 932.
Pope Felix, in this letter, expresses himself quite decisively against the Semipelagian contention that many a man, even without the divine grace (prceveniens), could of himself come to faith in Christ, and then says : Quapropter ajfectu congruo salutantes suprascriptam confessionem vestram consentaneam catholicis patrum regulis approbamus. There may be a question whether he meant by this the whole minutes of Orange, or only the confession of faith appended to the twenty-five chapters. In the expression confessio there lies no necessity for thinking only of the latter ; for, in fact, the whole forms a kind of confession of faith, and the epilogue, which has specially this form, is by itself nothing independent, no conclusive creed, but in its very first words represents itself as belonging to the twenty-five chapters. It is quite true that the Pope, in his answer, chiefly makes reference to this epilogue, and weaves into his own letters such Bible passages as are also found in the epilogue (1 Cor. vii. 25 and Phil. i. 29); but immediately afterwards he adduces the words of Christ in S. John xv. 5, and indeed as quoted by
1 Cf. Jaffe, Regesta Pvntif, 1851, p. 72.
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the Fathers at Orange, although this is found not in the epilogue, but in chapter 7. So also he repeats the passages, Prov. viii. 35, Ps. Iviii. 11, which occur in chapters 4 and 14.
It is customary to assign the Synod of Valence to the same year (529) as that of Orange, or to the following year (530). The Acts of this Synod are lost, and we have no information respecting it but that which is contained in the life of S. Caesarius, by his disciple, the deacon Cyprian. In this it is said : " Many stood up against the doctrine of grace taught by Caesarius, and by a false apprehension of it there arose in Gaul an evil suspicion against the doctrine of the man of God. On this account the bishops beyond the Isere, in Valentia (Valence), came together. On account of sick- ness, Caesarius was unable himself to be present, although he wished to be ; but he sent some bishops, priests, and deacons as deputies, and among them, in particular, the celebrated Bishop Cyprian of Toulon. The latter showed, at the Synod, from passages of the Bible and of the holy Fathers, that no man could make progress in divine things by himself alone, and without gratia prceveniens. For the perusal of the Synod, the man of God (Caesarius afterwards) furnished the complete array of proofs from the apostolic tradition. Pope Boniface, after he had learnt of the controversy, rejected the opinions of the opponents, and confirmed, by apostolic authority, the judgment (prosecutio) l of Csesarius." 2
Noris (Hist. Pelag. ii. 23), Pagi (ad ann. 529, n. 8 sqq.), and all the other writers represent the matter as though the Synod of Orange had not at once attained to full recognition in Gaul, and that Caesarius had, for that reason, summoned a new and larger Synod at Valence. But, in the first place, the original documents say not a word of Caesarius having summoned the Synod ; on the contrary, he appears rather to have been invited to it ; and this must be right, for Valentia
1 On the expression prosecutio-=sententia, cf. Du Cange, Qlossar. s.v.
2 The narrative of the deacon Cyprian is in Mansi, t. viii. p. 723 ; Hardouin, t. ii. p. 1103. Still better (avoiding the misprint solidtans for solits), in the tenth volume of the Benedictine edition of 8. Augustine, ed. Gaume, p. 2458, ed. Migne, p. 1792 ; and in Noris, Hist. Pelag. lib. ii. c. 23, p. 528, t. i. Opp. Omnium.
168 HISTORY OF THE COUNCILS.
belonged, not to the ecclesiastical province of Aries, but to that of Vienne, as we saw above (sec. 211) from the decisions of Popes Leo I. and Hilary, who assigned the suffragan bishoprics of Valence, Tarantaise, Geneva, and Grenoble to the metropolitan see of Vienne. Valence, however, lies on the boundary between the country on this side and on the other side of the Isere, and when the deacon Cyprian, who lived with Caesarius of Aries, says that the bishops ultra Isaram had come to Valence, and also Caesarius had sent deputies thither, the result comes out. The bishops of Gallia Viennensis and Lugdunensis, living on the other side, that is, on the north of the Isere, on account of the prevailing doctrinal controversies, determined to unite in a great Synod with the bishops on the south of the Isere, and for this purpose selected Valence, which was peculiarly suitable for such a common assembly. Ecclesiastically it belonged to the north of the Isere, the province of Vienne, but in geographical position to the south of the Isere, lying near its junction with, the Rhone.
In the second place, we find in our original documents not the slightest justification of the assumption that the Synod of Valence was held after that of Orange. The deacon Cyprian does not indicate the latter (at least as Noris, Pagi, and the rest understood him) ; and it is a mere assumption on their part when they place the Synod of Valence after that of Orange. The reverse seems to me to be the truth, and I believe it possible to verify this by reference to the original documents. They relate that, when the doctrine of Ceesarius came into suspicion, the bishops assembled at Valence; but his doctrine was in suspicion with the Semi- pelagians for a considerable time before the Synod of Orange. The first thing that happened after the origin of the suspicion was the assembly at Valence. After this was ended, Caesarius furnished the proof for the true doctrine from tradition, and Pope Boniface confirmed this. When the Synod of Orange, under the presidency of Caesarius, verified the true doctrine from the writings of Augustine, and Pope Boniface confirmed the decrees of Orange, I suppose that the biographer Cyprian (our authority) had understood by the proof which Csesarius
SECOND SYNOD AT VAISON, A.D. 529. 169
furnished nothing else but the decrees of the Synod of Orange, and that this accordingly took place later than that of Valence. — -After this exposition of our views, we must regard the attempt of Pagi (ad ann. 529, n. 10) to assign the Synod of Valence to the year 530 as radically a mistake.